
You would think that, if you the president, and are going to launch a war, or a police action, or an intervention, or [FILL IN EUPHEMISM HERE], there is one question where you would make sure that you have a very clear answer, and that your underlings know that very clear answer, and that anyone and everyone in that administration repeats that answer ad infinitum to the press and to the American people, so that everything is as clear as a bell.
That is not how this administration operates, however. The Iran War is less than 2 weeks old, and the White House has already earned an "F" in The Politics of Geopolitics 101. And this is not one of those F grades you might improve upon by throwing yourself on the mercy of the professor, and maybe doing some extra work. It's a done deal; the incompetence involved is shocking and the bell cannot be un-rung. Lyndon B. Johnson and George W. Bush, among others, led America into unpopular wars, but even they made a very clear case at the outset for why war was necessary. Their cases were not necessarily honest, nor were they validated by subsequent events, but at least they had a clear answer to the question of "Why?"
The extent to which Trump and his team have flailed around is indicated by this list of ten reasons that the President or a high-ranking member of his administration have given for why Iran was attacked:
Please be clear that this is not an exhaustive list, by any means. We find ourselves adapting the old line about football quarterbacks: "If you have 10 (or 11, or 12, or 13) 'good' reasons for why you started a war, you don't have any good reason for why you started a war."
Given all of the flailing around, it's abundantly clear to us that someone in the administration, perhaps many someones, thought they were just going to run the Venezuela playbook again. To wit:
This hasn't even worked out in Venezuela, as there was only a little cheering (and from only a few corners), no momentum toward a Nobel and, most obviously, no surfeit of oil. It is working out even worse in Iran. In fairness to Trump, we suppose, we will point out that the much smarter and savvier Vladimir Putin made the same basic mistake with Ukraine.
We wrote yesterday about some of the political headaches that Trump has created himself that could soon come home to roost. We'd like to add three more to the list right now:
We would guess that the best outcome available for Trump right now (and probably also the best outcome available for the U.S.), is for him to confidently declare "victory" and to end the assault on Iran immediately. That would, at least, stop the bleeding, both literally and metaphorically.
Because Trump is able to create his own reality, for at least some people, MAGA would undoubtedly be satisfied. Maybe not all of MAGA, but a lot of it. On the other hand, the damage that has been done with independent voters is very possibly irreparable. Similarly, the Iranians have been poked in the eye, hard, and they are not going to forget or forgive. One has to expect more radicalization, and very possibly terrorist attacks, or maybe a U.S. airliner shot down, or something like that. Further, if the Iranians were already motivated to develop nuclear weapons, either as an offensive weapon, or merely as a deterrent, they are going to be doubly motivated now.
So, ending it now would limit the damage, but it would not undo it, not by a long shot. And, in any event, the White House certainly does not appear to be considering that possibility right now. Heck, earlier this week, Karoline Leavitt said that re-instituting the draft is "on the table." It's amazing that the administration is willing to even consider that, and even more amazing that they're willing to say it out loud. If they actually did it, then the "Bush line" might become the ceiling for Trump's approval rating, rather than the floor. We can't imagine they would be that foolish. Trump surely remembers what the Vietnam-era draft (which he avoided because his foot hurt) did to popular opinion. Still, it's an indication that the administration is thinking about, and talking about, long-term plans, which likely means they're NOT thinking about, and talking about, a short-term war.
As we noted on Sunday, we got a lot of letters on several subjects, too many to run in the mailbag. One of those subjects was Iran; we thought we'd share a few of those letters now. A lot of these readers are thinking along the same lines that we are, in one way or another:
J.K. in Portland, OR, writes: This is yet another example of the combination of ignorance, idiocy, and ineptness of the current occupant of the White House and his vassals. Unconditional surrender (US) was first associated in the United States with Ulysses S Grant. He, however, did not apply it to the entire Confederacy but only to individual cities he had besieged. Robert E. Lee surrendered and went home with his horse and sword. US was used as a demand to end the German part of World War II, after the German homeland was occupied by Soviet forces on the east, American and other forces on the west, and Hitler had committed suicide in his bunker. It was not required of the Italians, who sort of gave up piecemeal, or the Japanese, who surrendered after being allowed to keep their emperor on the throne (Hiroshima and Nagasaki were justified by Truman because an invasion of the Japanese homeland was projected to cost 500,000 further American casualties, not to mention more deaths of military and civilian prisoners of war held by Japan).
Iran is currently a theocracy, and is not about to unconditionally surrender because that means giving up religious beliefs and laws, and the ayatollahs won't do that without a physical presence of American troops on Iranian soil. And if the United States does put troops on the ground in Iran, some, almost surely many, of those troops will become casualties, and that will result in a near-total loss of support for the war at home (see Korea, Iraq, Afghanistan...)
E.W. in Silver Spring, MD, writes: Here are two unrelated thoughts one week into the U.S. bombing campaign. The first is, with Russia now likely helping Iran out, it seems that we may well have our own Ukraine, with U.S. adversaries (Russia, China, etc.) assisting another country to degrade its military capabilities at a very small cost to themselves. Meanwhile the invading country fails to articulate a legitimate casus belli. I'm not saying the two wars are the same, or will have the same results, but the parallels are alarming.
A second thought. The price of oil has skyrocketed, but the U.S. is a net exporter of oil, very little of which comes from the Middle East, and even less from the Persian Gulf. This means the oil supplying the U.S. market has remained virtually unchanged as has demand, but because oil is a global commodity the price of oil—and thus oil products—has increased significantly. Similarly the cost to extract the oil has remained the same. This means those additional dollars being spent in the U.S. are profit. I wonder how much oil companies will pay this time to keep these prices that high, given that their 2024 investment seems to have paid off.
B.C. in Walpole, ME, writes: Many news sites are reporting that the U.S. has a plan to "arm the Kurds" so that they can attack the Iranian government forces.
During World War II, the U.S. pumped an enormous amount of war materiel into China for the Nationalists to use to fight the Japanese. Chiang Kai-shek reasoned, correctly, that: (1) the Nationalist army was no match for the Japanese Imperial Army; (2) That the U.S. would defeat the Japanese sooner or later, probably sooner and (3) As Chiang famously stated, "The Japanese are a disease of the skin; the communists are a disease of the heart." He therefore saved the armaments for after the war with the Japanese was over, in order to fight the civil war with the communists.
Arming the Kurds does not mean the Kurds will take up arms against the Iranian government. Why should they? The U.S. will win the war against the Iranian military. It's what happens after the U.S. military victory that will be the Kurds' concern. And where did Trump/Hegseth get the idea that the Kurds are trained, organized, ready to fight, that they only lack weapons do so?
What do non-Kurdish Iranians think about arming the Kurds? What do the Turks think about arming Kurds? What do the Iraqis think about arming Kurds? It sounds to me like a formula for civil war in Iran that could spill over to other countries.
I really don't know about the Kurds, Iran, the Middle East. But I do know that Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist Party did not use the weapons the U.S. sent to fight the Japanese, that those weapons were used in the (1927-49) civil war during 1945-49, that the communists used the Nationalist army as a supply depot, and that when the CCP entered Beijing at the end of the war, the communists rode in on American tanks and jeeps.
We cannot seriously think that we can supply arms to a group of people and they will do exactly what we want with them, or that they will even be able to hold onto them.
Z.Z. in Coarsegold, CA, writes: You published my letter comparing the current Iran buildup to the second Iraq war and asking the unanswered question: What happens after the air campaign? Since then, we've watched the hammer swing. Missiles have launched. Targets have been struck. The regime in Iran remains in power. The 9-year-old has dropped the hammer, and there is still no nail in sight.
So what should we look for now?
First, if not a nail, then what is the hammer for? The administration has assembled this force. It is expensive. It is visible. It demands use. If not regime change, what is the actual objective? Deterrence? Bargaining chip? Domestic political theater?
Second, what does "victory" look like to this president? Do we assume a traditional definition: military objectives achieved, stability established? Or do we see a president who treats military force as theater, perhaps "victory" is simply the performance itself? The bombing footage. The approval ratings bump. The boast at the next rally. If that's the case, the question "What comes next?" may be literally meaningless—because there is no "next," only the next performance.
Finally, who stops the 9-year-old? My letter noted the absence of "legal review or any adult supervision." But who are the adults in this scenario? The military? Congress? The courts? All have been sidelined or cowed. The question of institutional resistance—or its absence—is worth exploring.
The hammer doesn't stop—it just finds new things to hit.
S.T. in Worcestershire, England, UK, writes: Not for the first time, I am reminded of the doctrine proposed by the late British comedienne and wit Linda Smith circa 2003 that American Presidents should only be allowed to attack those countries whose names they could spell.
G.W. in Oxnard, CA, writes: You wrote that the administration's Iran attack rationale is weak and even self-contradictory. That is because Convicted Felon Trump (CFT) doesn't want to say the quiet part out loud this time. Multiple Persian Gulf states have paid the Trump family hundreds of millions in bribes and this is the payoff. Those are pretty big bribes, but for that price they got the U.S. government to spend billions to attack Iran. If this action solves those states' Iran problem for some long time, it will be an excellent bargain. By contrast, if this leads to a wider war and the Straits of Hormuz is closed for a long time and they lose billions in oil and gas revenues, this will be among the worst business decisions in history.
In short, it's a big mess. We think so, the readers think so. It's hard to find anyone, outside of the administration and its close political allies, who does not think so. We expect to have a few more letters sometime soon. We also had a "We the People" for today, but there just isn't time to finish it properly. Look for it Friday. (Z)