Dem 47
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GOP 53
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The Epstein Story Isn't Going Away

Do readers remember Andrew Cunanan? He's the jilted lover who killed Gianni Versace and four other people over a weeklong span in 1997, before finally turning the gun on himself. We mention it because it was that story that first caused (Z) to notice that mainstream media loves, loves, loves to cover National Enquirer-type stories (Gay lovers! Murder! Accused is on the lam! Suicide!), and searches for any opportunity to do so, under the guise of newsworthiness.

We would imagine that there are some outlets, possibly many, that are thrilled that the Jeffrey Epstein scandal is big news right now, because it's salacious and attracts eyeballs and clicks the way that, say, "Congress debates debt ceiling again" does not. We are most certainly not one of those outlets, but we also cannot ignore that this is the dominant political story of the day, yet again. And while that is partly for salacious reasons, it's also for legitimate reasons, as well, as MAGA world remains at war with itself, with the very real possibility of implications for the midterms.

When Joe Biden had his disastrous debate performance, we took the view that he wasn't really in trouble until certain key people came out against his continued candidacy, specifically Jill Biden, Barack Obama and Nancy Pelosi. The First Lady remained steadfast (as we expected she would), but everyone knows what happened with the other two, and the ultimate result of their only-sorta-behind-the-scenes machinations.

We would say that, with the Epstein situation, there are similar "bellwether" people. Not the First Lady, in this case, since she is almost entirely out of the loop. No, when it comes to Epstein Mobilier, we would say that the three canaries in a coal mine are Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC). The former two make the list because, of course, they set the agenda for Congress, including votes on things like subpoenaing the Epstein files. And all three, but particularly Johnson and Graham, make the list because they have generally been sycophants who tell Trump what he wants to hear, and who do not dare to push back against him. If one (or more) of them flips, it's a pretty good sign that the heat from the base, from other Republicans, etc. has been turned up to 11.

As readers can probably guess, if they do not know already, we are writing this because one of that trio showed some cracks in the armor yesterday. That would be Johnson, who sat for an interview with one of the endless number of right-wing podcasters, and said that he'd like to see "transparency" and that "We should put everything out there and let the people decide it." The Speaker endeavored to make clear that he still "has confidence" in Trump and in AG Pam Bondi, but you can be sure that the part that everyone (including Trump) heard was that Johnson is breaking ranks on "nothing to see, here."

The problem, as noted, is that Johnson runs the lower chamber of Congress. He can (mostly) decide what does, and does not, get a vote in that chamber. He can whip votes in support of Trump's position, or he can take a hands-off approach. He can also vote against Trump's position. Yesterday, the House voted on whether or not to commence debate on Rep. Ro Khanna's (D-CA) amendment to a cryptocurrency bill, requiring the administration to release all the Epstein files. You can see how it went:

The motion was defeated,
with 211 Republicans voting against it (and 9 not voting) and 210 Democrats voting for it (and 2 not voting).

As you can see, it was close. If the motion were to come from a Republican, rather than a progressive Democrat, things might turn out differently. And whaddya know? Trump antagonist Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) just so happens to be preparing his own resolution on the matter. It's a discharge petition, so if Massie can get 218 members to sign on (e.g., the 212 Democrats, himself, and just five Republicans), then the resolution will get a floor vote, whether or not Johnson wants it to.

The basic dynamic here is very clear. The same exact voters who do what Trump tells them to do are also the ones who are deeply invested in the conspiracy theory. And so, every time a Republican votes against making the files public, they open themselves up to brutal attacks during next year's election cycles. Primary challengers will say "You're a part of the deep state conspiracy" and then general-election challengers will say "I guess you want to protect Donald Trump at the expense of justice for the victims of sex trafficking." Put another way, we may finally have a situation where "the political harm done by defying Trump" is actually less than "the political harm done by sticking with Trump." For what it is worth, Steve Bannon estimated yesterday that if this is not handled properly, 10% of Republican voters will stay home on Election Day next year, which will cost the GOP 40+ seats in the House.

Trump is not exactly the most literate fellow to have occupied the Oval Office, but even he can read the writing on the wall. And so, there are discussions going on in the White House about what to do, and whether or not to release some documents. The problem is that if the QAnon/MAGA/conspiracy types don't get the exact documents they expect to get (e.g., a list entitled "Here are the 24 Democratic officeholders for whom Jeffrey and Ghislaine procured 13-year-old girls"), then they are just going to stick to their guns and declare that the REAL documents are still being kept under wraps.

Assuming Trump's current approach—ignore it, and hope it goes away—does not work, and it certainly is NOT working so far, then what can he do? Again, releasing a bunch of non-incriminating documents, even if those are THE documents, and all of THE documents, is not going to get it done. We've spent some time considering the matter, and—treating this as a thought exercise, or a creative writing assignment—here are the potential options we came up with:

What it amounts to is that Trump and his administration have now dug themselves into a hole, a hole that seems to be getting deeper by the day, and a hole that has a decidedly Nixonian feel to it. Again, maybe this will eventually go away—that's usually how it works out for Trump. But things also went away for Nixon, too... right until they didn't. If this is the exception, the one time where Trump cannot just bury his head in the sand until the storm passes, then he's going to have to do something that's either risky (and possibly illegal), or else that runs the risk of just kicking the can into the future. (Z)



This item appeared on www.electoral-vote.com. Read it Monday through Friday for political and election news, Saturday for answers to reader's questions, and Sunday for letters from readers.

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